A Network Theory of Power

Manuel Castells

Reported by: Li Lu, Peter Knaack, & Lauren Frank

Manuel Castells is  University Professor and the Wallis Annenberg Chair of Communication Technology and Society at the University of Southern California, Los Angeles, and Professor of Sociology and director of the Internet Interdisciplinary Institute at the Open University of Catalonia in Barcelona. He is also Professor Emeritus of Sociology and of City & Regional Planning at the University of California, Berkeley, where he taught for 24 years.

Professor Castells started his talk with his view of how theory serves his work. He suggested that theory should be used to produce knowledge through research, so it is instrumental, not the value itself.  Therefore, theory should always be specific to context. Viewing the networked society as the background of the talk, Manuel proposed that power relationships are fundamental. In any society, those with power determine the rules. Fortunately, power is always balanced by counter-power. In this way, the society is going through constant challenges and evolving. Echoing Bruno Latour’s keynote speech, Castells pointed out that systems move through the actions of individuals.  In the current global network society context, specific social structures are produced, characterized by key organizational forms organized in interwoven networks, in which micro-electronic based technologies function as the key elements underlying these networks.

In suggesting that all this supports a theory of power and counter-power in the network society, Castells identified four different forms of power:

1)      Networking power refers to the power of the actors and organizations included in the networks that constitute the core of the global network society over human collectives or individuals who are not included in these global networks.

2)      Network power (as Grewall defined in the previous session) means the power resulting from the standards required to coordinate social interaction in the networks. In this case power is exercised not by exclusion from the networks but by the imposition of the rules of inclusion. Any social or network action requires social coordination, so it requires standards. These standards display network power. For example, once one protocol of communication gets accepted in the network, it becomes a form of power through imposing the rules of inclusion.

3)      Networked power indicates the power of social actors over other social actors in the network. The forms and processes of networked power are specific to each network. This type of power is the most complicated form. Throughout human history, there are two basic forms of power. The first one is coercive power. In this manner, actors can impose their will over others. The second form is persuasive power, which functions in the minds of people through constructing the meaning of actions. These two forms of power can combine in different proportions. But having the capacity to construct meaning through discourses (persuasive power) is fundamental. In other words, shaping the minds is the more effective way than torturing the bodies.

A worthy following question would be who has the networked power in a global network society. According to Castells, the answer is totally undetermined. However, that does not mean that dominance does not exist. Essentially, different forms of power organized in different networks of power are not unified. There is a distinction between the differentiation of power elite and the formation of ad-hoc elites in particular contexts. The traditional definition of power is not useful here; how these different networked powers connect to each other requires specific analysis.

4)      Finally, network-making power refers to the power to program specific networks according to the interests and values of the programmers, and the power to switch different networks by forming strategic alliances with different networks.  Programmers and switchers are not abstract concepts; they are simply people or actors in the networks. For instance, MIT establishes networks between scientific and military networks, which ensures the domination of MIT in scientific networks and of the US in military technology. Ultimately, these ideas materialize in the brains of social actors. Therefore, the key becomes connecting human networks via communication networks. Here, Castells emphasized that the shaping of communication networks has a decisive effect on other networks (e.g., agenda setting, gatekeeping effect of traditional media).

Of course, there are also mechanisms of counter-power in any society. People are not passive; they receive, challenge, and produce their own products. Thus, counter-power is exercised in a manner symmetrical to power. For instance, in the financial markets, a number of new criteria such as environmental standards have been introduced. Counter-power also works through disrupting network switches. For example, protests against the FCC remind the FCC to take the citizen rights into consideration.

Discussion

• Barzilai-Nahon: In terms of the identity of switchers and programmers, do these labels primarily refer to individuals, or can collectives have the same function? Is it possible that collectives create patterns of interaction which in turn provide the basis for the emergence of new switchers?

Castells: Actors in a network are not always individuals. However, when looking at the formation of an actor, individuals are at the root of collectives, and individuals are the ones that change the collective. However, not all individuals in a collective are equal. Spontaneous networks of protest emerge when individuals, by responding to some event, suddenly form a collective. A second example of collective action is the movement to control the FCC. Some individuals created a loose activist structure, and the identity of those who joined the movement and their reasons for joining have a decisive impact on the identity of the collective. This also has implications for movement evolution, something that is understudied in social movement research: the motivations and background of the first individuals that created a collective before it grew big are important but usually not observed.

• Capra: Networked power has existed throughout history, and might be even more representative of the Renaissance and other historical periods than of the network society.

Castells: Networked power is not unique to the network society. All of the four types of power presented above are present in the contemporary period. The important question in that respect is who is included in these networks, and who holds power positions within them. The answer to this question depends on the nature of the particular network, its goals, components, and technology.

• Latour: In the term network power, neither “network” nor “power” is enlightening.  First, he suggested abandoning the concept of power, asking if there is anything that is not power. Second, he pointed to the inflationary, even hegemonic use of the term network today. Latour asserted that because of the traceability of human action today we tend to call every phenomenon network, rather than using traditional categories such as territory, society, macro. In addition, Latour disagreed with Castells about the importance of theory – only theory can give precision to a confused concept of networks.

Castells agreed to disagree completely with Latour. For him, power is not everywhere. It is a fundamental, but particular type of relationship. He also distinguished between power as relational and domination as an institutional concept. In contrast to earlier societies, the core activities of the network society are organized in networks, based on information and communication technology. Therefore, there are quantitative and qualitative differences between contemporary networks and those of other societies and historical periods.

• Fulk: A them of the conference has been that those excluded from networks are less powerful.  Instead, depending on the network, the excluded can have more power than the included, using the examples of small-business and police coordination networks.

Castells acknowledged this as a very relevant point. He stated that the included are more powerful in terms of the program of the network itself. Therefore, criminal networks have no problem in being excluded. A second order analysis of the relationship between networks is important; power resides in those networks that succeed in competition and are able to impose their will onto other networks.

• Grewall: Does it make sense to distinguish between different kinds of programmers and switchers?

Castells agrees that programmers can be switchers and vice versa. Networks operate efficiently once they have a clear goal and program. He pointed to the connections between business and academic networks and how the former influence the latter’s research agenda. Therefore, switchers are important actors in all networks.

• Tongia: What is your opinion regarding the recent Supreme Court ruling on corporations as individuals?

Castells returned to his point that corporations are ultimately run by individuals. He emphasized the connection between collective actors and the individual, which he hopes to connect ultimately to the individual brain.

• Powell: Social scientists until now have been unable to measure power. He expressed his doubts about mashing up network theory and the phenomenon of power. Powell suggested that Castells’ presentation could as well be titled the “technology of power”, and Powell is not sure whether the concept of networks is useful for an analysis of power.

Castells pointed to the transformative role of technology. He proposed a network theory of power in which power ultimately flows through communication networks. The construction of meaning is the most important form of power. For the first time in history, the system of communication networks provides the basis of this construction of meaning in immersive, interactive discourses that shape people’s minds.

Additional reading:

Castells, M. (2009). Communication Power. New York: Oxford University Press, Inc.